Long marginalized by the preoccupation with the visual arts in
Media Studies, radio remains a fundamental semiotic technology
that continues to determine the
parameters of cultural supremacy around such core issues as democracy,
citizenship, and capitalism in American life. On the streets
below academic ivory towers,
radio still counts as a critical ideological battleground between local
communities and big capital. San Francisco's 89.5 FM KPOO,
the only Black-owned radio
station west of the Mississippi, professes dedication to radical
inclusivity – the
critical ingredient of democratic participation and citizenship – and
features as an emblem of its inclusivity four hours of the music and wisdom
of late great
jazz innovator John Coltrane. Created and hosted by the St. John Will-I-Am
Coltrane African Orthodox Church, The KPOO Coltrane Uplift Broadcast spins
Coltrane's
extensive oeuvre as though the 1960's revolution in black music and politics
from which Coltrane's art was born still raged on. The Uplift Broadcast is
still one of the few spaces on the radio dial where women are included in the
history
of jazz innovations, where the decidedly non-commercial sounds of free jazz
are played, where music is valued for its healing properties, and where spiritually
democratic ethics such as the unity of all religious ideas are professed. The
Coltrane Uplift is in all respects a brilliant example of the possibilities
for
transformative counter-hegemonic discourse through radio technology.
Exhaustive critical anthologies and historical treatments of similar independent,
pirate and micro radio programs in Media Studies, such as Michele Hilmes
Radio Reader: Essays in the Cultural History of Radio and Jesse Walker's
Rebels on
the Air: An Alternative History of Radio in America, have set the stage
for more academic analyses of mass culture as a possible site of counter-hegemonic
practices,
but few disciplines outside of Cultural Studies have critically engaged
the
role of radio in the context of contemporary representations of race, class,
gender,
and sexual identity. Clearly, critical Radio Studies is an emerging discipline
testifying to the ubiquity and centrality of radio even in the contemporary
era of cable television and the Internet.
Emerging critical studies of radio substantiate perhaps the deepest hopes
of Cultural Studies theorists: the notion that mass culture is not consumed
passively
but is rather an important technology of identification and resistance.
Cultural Studies theorists have consistently analyzed radio in terms of
its potential
for creating imagined communities of interest and counter-hegemonic ideologies
of democracy, citizenship, and capitalism.
Pre-dating the British Cultural Studies movement by a decade, Frantz Fanon
outlined the evolution of radio in colonial Algeria from an ideological
tool of the French
colonial class to an instrument linking all Algerians with the day-to-day
activities of the revolutionary front. A Dying Colonialism offers a critical
exegesis
of culture and cultural technologies in the service of Algerian revolutionary
activity
(1954-1962) including radio and the Islamic cultural practice of veiling.
Radio became central to competing French colonial discourses and native
Algerian resistance. Fanon wrote, "Since 1956 the purchase of a radio in Algeria has meant, not
the adoption of a modern technique for getting news, but the obtaining of access
to the only means of entering into communication with the Revolution, of living
with it" (83).
In the 1990s, Kathy Newman explored the impact of national advertising
on black radio on Civil Rights Boycotts. Researching Memphis Tennessee's
WDIA,
the first
black-owned radio station in America, Newman argued, "Black radio helped
to bring the economic impact of postwar black buying power into the national
spotlight, and, when white-owned Southern businesses began to rely more on
black patronage, the stage was set for Civil Rights activists to use the boycott
as
a tactic in the struggle for increased social, political and economic justice."
Newman's work is predicated on critical perspectives advanced in Susan
Douglas's Listening In: Radio and the American Imagination, from
Amos 'n' Andy and
Edward R. Murrow to Wolfman Jack and Howard Stern. Douglas introduces
the notion of "imagined
communities" created through "active listening" of radio
and analyses radio as a battleground between consumerism and anti-consumerism.
Douglas writes, "Radio
has been the mass medium through which the struggles between rampant
commercialism and loathing of that commercialism have been fought over
and over again.... Listeners
both acquiesced to and rebelled against how radio was deployed by the
networks" (16).
In 2000, John Hartley investigated Bertolt Brecht's experiments with radio
in the 1920's in "Radiocracy: Sound and Citizenship" and argued that radio "remains
one of the pillars of civil society, combining entertainment and democracy, sound
and citizenship." Hartley uses the terms "radiocracy" and "democratainment" to
describe the union between public and private life and democracy and entertainment
through radio technology. In the 1920s, "Bertolt Brecht would declare that
radio could be 'the finest possible communication apparatus in public life,'
if only it 'knew how to receive as well as transmit, how to let the listener
speak as well as hear, how to bring him into a relationship instead of isolating
him'" (156). Hartley writes extensively of Brecht's early experiments with
radio and suggests that while Brecht had hoped radio could create communities
that could bypass the ideological apparatus of the state, British and American
broadcasters in the 1920s were attempting to prevent such a relationship and
transform radio into a purely commercial technology: "The eventual dominance
of commercial broadcasting, as opposed to other cultural forms, was not inherent
in radio technology. Nor did radio arise from an existing social need – as
Brecht pointed out, 'it was not the public that waited for radio but radio that
waited for a public.' It won that public by commercial methods in the USA and
by the brute force of monopoly in Britain" (156).
Neither Fanon, Douglas, Newman, nor Hartley postulate a simple cause-effect
relationship between radio and political engagement. Instead, radio is
envisioned as a semiotic
technology creating discursive "possibilities" for identity and community
formation. Musician and theorist Mat Callahan perhaps best expresses this when
he writes, "Music and politics directly correspond at one point: belonging.
This is yet another word that in English has two completely contradictory meanings.
This belongs to me. Or, we belong together. Ownership versus membership. Exclusion
versus inclusion" (136). The importance of radio is its interjection and
contribution to public discourses surrounding the central ideologies of democracy,
citizenship, and capitalism. Newman explains, "But culture still determines,
in part, the identities available to be organized. Radio helped create the
possibilities for a consumer movement in the 1930s. It also helped to provoke
some of its most
effective and outspoken leaders. Radio became a target of consumer activists,
as well as a means to further the goals of the movement itself."
Critics such as Chela Sandoval understand the importance of activist radio
and the study of such. In Methodology of the Oppressed, she draws on Frantz
Fanon's
analysis of The Voice of Fighting Algeria, elaborating a five-part anti-colonial
praxis from the ethnographic details. Her methodology includes the use
of semiotics, deconstruction, meta-ideologizing, democratics, and differential
movement.
Inspired by Roland Barthes and Frantz Fanon, and directly responding to
Frederic
Jameson's
pessimist outlook on effective opposition in an increasingly globalized,
postmodern world, Sandoval explains the five "technologies" of the methodology
of the oppressed:
First, Barthes's semiology (what Anzaldua calls “la facultad," or
Henry
Louis Gates, Jr. calls "signifyin'"), his "science of
signs in culture,"
comprises one of the fundamental technologies of the methodology of the
oppressed. The second, well-recognized technology is the process of challenging
dominant ideological forms through their deconstruction, what Barthes
calls “mythology.” The third and “outer” technology
is what Barthes calls “revolutionary exnomination,” and what
I call “meta-ideologizing” in honor of its activity: the
operation of appropriating dominant ideological forms and using them
whole in order to transform them. This third technology is absolutely
necessary for making purposeful interventions in social reality, whereas
the previous two technologies, “semiology” and “mythologizing,” are “inner” technologies
that move initially through the being of consciousness itself. A fourth
technology of the oppressed that I call “democratics” is
a process of locating: a “zeroing in” that gathers, drives,
and orients the previous three technologies – semiotics, deconstruction,
and meta-ideologizing – with the intent of bringing about not simply
survival or justice, as in earlier times, but egalitarian social relations,
or, as third world writers from Fanon through Wong, Lugones, or Collins
have put it, with the aim of producing “love” in
a decolonizing, postmodern, post-empire world. Differential movement
is the fifth technology, the one through which, however, the others harmonically
maneuver. In order to better understand the operation of this mode of
differential movement (which is of a different order than differential
social movement and consciousness), we must understand that differential
movement is a polyform on which the previous technologies depend for
their own operation. Only through a differential movement can they be
transferred toward their destinations, even the fourth, “democratics,” which
always tends toward the centering of identity in the interest of egalitarian
social justice. These five technologies together comprise the methodology
of
the oppressed, and the methodology of the oppressed is what enables
the enactment
of the differential mode of oppositional social movement. (83)
If we accept Fanon, Douglas, Newman, and Hartley's analyses of "imagined
communities" and the centrality of citizenship, democracy, anti-colonialism,
and consumerist v. anti-consumerist ideologies, we can reach significant
conclusions about the critical roles played by particular community stations
and specific
broadcasts and broadcasters (e.g. The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast) on marginalized
communities of color in the contemporary corporatist environment of radio.
If we add Sandoval's five-pronged methodology of the oppressed, we should
arrive at an even more nuanced view of specific methodologies employed
by radio activists
in the construction of insurgent ideological positions.
KPOO and the Coltrane
Uplift Broadcast
The cultural history of African American radio in the San Francisco
Bay Area speaks to the impact of these particular struggles over
radio technologies
on the lives of marginalized others and provides another important
ethnographic lens. In 1969, KPFA founder Joe Rudolph started a
community-based media
education
center called Fillmore Media that taught people how to use the
then-emerging video technology to benefit their communities. In 1971,
with the
help of broadcasters
Lorenzo Milam and Jeremy Lansman, several community organizations
with no prior radio experience applied for an FCC license to
begin broadcasting
community
issues
on the premise that any community group with something to say should
be able start a low-powered radio station to serve that community.
St. John Will-I-Am Coltrane African Orthodox Church co-founder
Archbishop King was involved in the tumultuous beginnings of KPOO.
King remembers, "I was
there in those meetings and very much involved in the transition as it became
a black owned radio station when they were taking over the station." Jesse
Walker speaks to what amounted to a black "takeover" of KPOO when he
quotes Lorenzo Milam, "…it was a good station – a good KTAO
or KRAB type station. But then the black radicals moved in, and began to raise
hell… They didn't think it was black enough, or giving enough time to black
issues. Which wouldn't have been an issue, except it turned out one of my board
members was on their side. And that really blew everything; that was too bad.
So, instead of having yet another internecine battle in the operation, we went
to a meeting with the black radicals and I said to them, 'Well, shit, why don't
you guys just take over the station. I'm tired of it.' So we gave it to them" (139).
Since its beginnings in 1971, 89.5 FM KPOO has featured a weekly
program every Tuesday from noon to 4pm called "The St. John Will-I-Am Coltrane Uplift
Broadcast," broadcasting "four hours of the music and wisdom of St.
John Will-I-Am Coltrane." Current Uplift host Reverend Sister Wanika King-Stephens
remarks, "This show has been here almost as long as this radio station." The
Uplift Broadcast is produced by the St. John Will-I-Am Coltrane African Orthodox
Church, an institution that since its incorporation in 1971 has recognized Coltrane
as a saint and his music as the product of divine meditation with God. Rev. Sis.
Wanika King-Stephens, eldest child of the St. John Will-I-Am Coltrane African
Orthodox Church founder Archbishop Franzo King and the third producer/host of
Uplift, spins the “healing sound discs” of St. John and
reads from an extensive catalog of Coltrane quotations collected
in the church's publication,
Coltrane Speaks.
The Coltrane Uplift program has recently been selected amongst
San Francisco 7x7 magazine's editors picks for favorite Bay Area
independent
radio
broadcasts. While San Francisco 7x7 errs in their characterization
of the core beliefs
of the Coltrane Church, they implicitly recognize Coltrane's importance
to particular
black communities: "The only African American owned station west
of the Mississippi worships John Coltrane, courtesy of the Saint John
Coltrane Church,
an SF institution since 1971. In between his fiery improvisations, host
Wanika King-Stevens pipes in: 'Live it clean, live it right and live
it for the Lord.'
Praise John!" (“Cat’s Meow” 93).
The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast is a central expression of the Coltrane
Church's many outreach programs, which include food and shelter
programs, counseling,
music lessons, hatha yoga classes, and concert performances by
the church band, Ohnedaruth. From a small storefront sanctuary
now located
on Fillmore
Street
in San Francisco's Western Addition neighborhood, a community of
faithful devotees has spent the past forty years raising the name
of the greatest
son of this
so-called dying art form, one John Will-I-Am Coltrane. (Incidentally, “Will-I-Am” refers
to God’s words to Moses uttered from the burning bush. In Exodus 3: 14,
it is written, “And God said unto Moses, I AM THAT I AM: and he said, Thus
shalt thou say unto the children of Israel, I AM hath sent me unto you.”)
Influenced by the work of the prolific Sufi mystic Hazrat Inayat Khan, they recognize
God as sound and honor John Coltrane as a high priest of sound who sought mystical
union with God through a creative amalgam of the twelve bar blues, free improvisation,
and exotic eastern scale forms. For the faithful, Coltrane's prolific recordings
mark an extension of the New Testament, a new millennium testament in the universal
language of sound. Coltrane's life, words, and wisdom are at the heart of a distinct
ideology known as "Coltrane Consciousness" which includes
religious holism, anti-racism, anti-war and anti-poverty politics,
and vegetarianism.
I listened to the KPOO Uplift broadcast every Tuesday during my
first year of doctoral dissertation research with the Coltrane
Church and
tape-recorded
each
full four-hour session as a means of further immersing myself into
my fieldwork situation. At that time, the program was hosted by
Sister Mary Deborah
Williams who used the program as a virtual gathering of church
members and devotees.
She shared testimonies from Coltrane devotees of what the music
had done for them
and of miracles performed through Coltrane's music and words. When
she played requests, she explained the rationale that listeners
had for song
selections.
Many listeners were experiencing particular trials in their personal
lives. Some were praying over global concerns that had been the
topic of the day's
news broadcasts.
When requested, Sister Williams would share these thoughts and
create a prayer circle of the program, allowing the collective
power of
Coltrane devotees
to empower the individual listener. Sister Williams would also
give instruction
in prayer and meditation and discuss what "listening" meant
in Coltrane's terms.
My interests here are with the specifics of how an oppressed people
construct counter-hegemonic ideologies through the semiotic technology
of radio in
spite of the constraints of the dominant ownership of radio. The
Coltrane Church
is a spiritual, aesthetic, and political organization that has
long sought to place
realpolitick demands upon music and religion that far exceed traditional
bounds. In realpolitick terms, practices initiated by the Coltrane
Church suggest a
range of ideological "possibilities" and counter positions
against broader contexts of local, state, federal, and international
politics.
In the wake of my seven years of ethnographic experience with the
Coltrane Church (1994-2001) and continuing affiliation with them
as a lay minister
and musician,
I have come to understand striking parallels between the union
of KPOO and the Coltrane Church (1971 – present) with the work of Frantz Fanon. In the
present article, I want to make more specific connections with Sandoval's specific
reading of these five distinct "technologies" in Fanon's
body of work and provide an interpretation of them in the production
of the KPOO Coltrane
Uplift Broadcast.
Specifically, I want to argue (1) that the semiotic technology
of the KPOO Uplift Broadcast challenges dominant evaluations of
the
cultural
relevance
of jazz music
(indeed all forms of music) in terms of its commercial viability
and dominant misrepresentations of the innovations and contributions
of
women. (2) The
Uplift Broadcast foregrounds these dominant representations as
mere artifacts in the
construction of dominant cultural power. (3) The Uplift Broadcast's
challenges to dominant representations are critical in ideological
conflicts regarding
belonging and ownership in American aesthetic and cultural histories
and are bound up with
broader notions of what it means to be an American citizen. (4)
The Uplift Broadcast's deconstructive activities are focused on
alternative
and decidedly
anti-capitalist
and gender inclusive definitions of jazz and these specific terms
and the general terms of democracy, citizenship, colonialism, and
capitalism
through
the "audio
iconography" of John Coltrane. (5) Borrowing from dominant cultural
examples of using radio technologies to build community and consensus,
the KPOO Coltrane
Uplift Broadcast engages in meta-ideologizing activities to construct
its own prayer-circle and ideological community of worldwide Coltrane
devotees. (6)
The KPOO Uplift Broadcast clearly implies a democratic principle
of the unity of
religious ideals and gender inclusivity in drawing on Coltrane's
varied spiritual and aesthetic influences and bolsters its possibilities
of claiming the world
as community with seamless differential movement through the varied
spiritual and gender domains claimed by Coltrane. All of these specific
activities contribute
to the general counter-hegemonic disidentifications with dominant
notions of democracy, citizenship, colonialism, and capitalism.
Semiotics
On the use of semiotic technologies in Fanon's oeuvre, Sandoval writes: "…we
need look no further than to Fanon's stated aim in writing the book [Black
Skin, White Masks]: 'to demonstrate to white civilization and European culture'
that what it 'often calls the black soul' is, rather, 'a white man's artifact.’” Sandoval
continues, "For here Fanon is not only pointing out the proclivities of
dominating cultures to treat racially different 'souls' as commodities – objects
or produce to be bought and sold; if souls too can be artifact, then Fanon's
challenge to the colonizing culture is that the 'white man' may have misread
the 'raced' and 'cultured' natures of colonized peoples, that the image of
the colonized cultivated by the colonizer may be only an artifact engineered
by that imagination to serve its own needs for superiority. Even more threatening
for the colonizing mind, Fanon's charge implies that dominant reality itself
might be a similar construction." Sandoval's interpretation of Fanon's
semiotics embraces the "reading" of signs of domination as the essential
primary activity of oppressed people: "Throughout the de-colonial writings
of peoples of color, from Sojourner Truth to Tracy Chapman, this profound commitment
to sign reading emerges as a means to ensure survival" (85-86).
The KPOO Coltrane Uplift broadcast self-consciously recognizes dominant cultural
conceptions of the limited commercial viability of jazz music – and specifically
free jazz – as artifacts rather than real "facts." This recognition
of the dominant cultural "reality" of jazz in particular as mere
construction undergirds the most important premise of the KPOO Coltrane Uplift
Broadcast and indeed of all Coltrane Consciousness: the dominant cultural perception
that jazz is dead and no longer functions as a contemporary cultural tool because
of its relatively weak commercial sales. With long waning sales, jazz becomes
little more than a quaint museum piece of times past. The Uplift Broadcast
wants to transform jazz into a spiritual medium capable of radical healing
and transformation, effectively removing the music from the discourse of money.
Rev. Sis. Wanika King-Stephens positions her program as a "breath of fresh
air," emphasizing jazz as a music that has a substantive connection with
the immediate quotidian needs of people: "I think we're really a breath
of fresh air. I get calls from listeners and in talking with them I get to
see what John Coltrane was trying to do as far as giving people what they need
through the music. I get to see that through their testimonies. How they met
their soul mate through John Coltrane. People say, I was feeling down today.
So I get these types of testimonies all of the time." Here, King-Stephens
treats Coltrane's art as a healing medium.
The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast also rejects the American corporatist measure
of aesthetic viability in terms of sales and dollar values to embrace more
esoteric and spiritual values of music performance and production. The broadcast
fundamentally attempts to keep alive the notion that the jazz and blues of
African American culture remains relevant in contemporary black America as
a forum for spiritual redemption and political activity. In other words, the
broadcast promotes jazz and blues as a living, present tense culture.
King-Stephens comments, distancing her program from corporate radio: "This
is definitely not mainstream. Four hours of John Coltrane is a rebel act. I
hear Bob Marley saying, 'Soul Rebel.' It's outside of the norm, outside of
what's accepted. The rebels are the ones that push things, they push the limits,
and I see that happening with this show. The more we play John Coltrane here,
the more we keep pushing it and pushing it, and it forces the outside world
and more mainstream areas like your jazz stations to play more John Coltrane
because they are starting to see that people want this. They think they know
what the people want and they want to dictate that. But the people can handle
a heck of a lot more than people who are in control of the mainstream think
that they can."
Deconstruction
Sandoval's analysis foregrounds Fanon's mandate that subjugated classes
must not only semiotically interpret these artifacts, but also
deconstruct them
as such: "Fanon argues that subjugated classes must fully take in (must
'semiotically' read, if you will) such artifacts and their meanings. But then
(avoiding insanity), these artifacts are to be deconstructed in a fashion that
can allow the social projection (the meta-ideologization) of new and revolutionary
meaning systems in order not only to ensure survival for the powerless, but
to induce social justice" (86). Further, Sandoval highlights the explicit
deconstructive work of Fanon: "Fanon's 1951 imposition of the image 'black
skin/white masks' on a white colonizing culture provided one means by which
to interfere with and move the colonial relations between the races; his aim
was to deconstruct the kinds of citizen-subjects that colonialism produced" (86).
The Uplift Broadcast deconstructs dominant omissions of women and the
anti-commercial free jazz movement through the construction of playlists
that re-integrate
women and free jazz music into the broader histories of jazz styles.
In this manner, the playlists of the Coltrane Uplift Broadcast present
powerful alternatives
and continuities of expression.
In addition, Sister Deborah's and Sister Wanika's playlists move seamlessly
through the many stages of Coltrane's evolution as a musician. I also
grew in my overall appreciation of the full range of Coltrane's music
through the
program. Sister Deborah always planned her programs in terms of certain
themes, often choosing to cover the entire Atlantic period on a particular
Tuesday
or to deal with later Impulse! Recordings while Sister Wanika comments
on her organization of the playlist: "From 12 to 1pm I'll play all Impulse! And
you can see the pattern on the playlist. From 1 to 2 is when I break it up.
If I have an interview, that will happen at the 1 o'clock hour. Different music
will happen at the 1 o'clock hour. The suggested CD of the week. And then from
3 to 4 is no holds barred. That's when I tend to go free. "
Sister Wanika’s organization of the playlist is aimed at representing
the total evolution of John Coltrane's music and creating a sense of "balance" for
listeners. Here, Coltrane's free jazz can be effectively understood as consistent
with the total body of his work. She comments, "With the free jazz, what
I was really trying to do was create balance because for me there's the John
Coltrane that plays the ballads and the standards and the hip stuff and then
there's the latter John Coltrane that plays the out stuff. So I try to represent
a little bit of all of that in the show for all of the listeners because everyone
that's listening can hear what they love about John Coltrane. People that want
to hear more the outside stuff. People that want to hear more of the inside
stuff. I know that everything that John Coltrane said and recorded is important
and needs to be heard. So I see myself as trying to represent John Coltrane
in a very honest way by including all of those aspects."
An Uplift Broadcast listener posted the following comment on the Internet
in 2001 regarding King-Stephens’ playlist: "Listening to ‘The
Uplift Broadcast’ on KPOO in San Francisco (a radio show hosted by an
Elder of the Church of St. John Coltrane). I knew earlier Coltrane, but drew
the line at A Love Supreme. That album was borderline for me and anything after
seemed too noisy. But the radio show blended new and old Coltrane and I began
to see threads and acquire a taste for the Interstellar Space/Live In Japan
era. It was the texture of his horn, the way it seemed to emulate screams.
Must have been in a ‘dark’ mood during that period, because that
music, which I think of as dark (I know some hear praises to god in there,
such as the church, obviously) worked." This particular listener's response
suggests that King-Stephens has achieved her goal of presenting balance.
The Uplift broadcast also deconstructs traditional notions of the role
of women in jazz music. Playlists show the inclusion of ballads by Carmen
McRae and
Abbey Lincoln into the Coltrane programming. The inclusion of these artists
accomplishes a number of critical deconstructive projects: (1) it affirmatively
locates the accomplishments of women within the broader history and evolution
of jazz music; (2) it asserts the musicianship of women singers, equating
singers with instrumentalists; and (3) it affirms the creative genius
of women. King-Stephens
comments, "As a woman it was important for me to make women a part of
the contribution because this is not strictly a man's world when you talk about
jazz music. There were a lot of great women who were responsible for making
tremendous contributions to the music. Traditionally, in the past, the show
[Uplift] has not included women or even other artists other than John Coltrane
so I wanted to be able to bring in the women and the vocals."
Indeed, the show itself, which has always been hosted by women – except
for a brief period in which Archbishop King hosted the program between Williams’s
and King-Stephens's tenure – re-inserts women into the tradition of jazz.
Interestingly, King-Stephens specifically uses this term "tradition" in
referring to the lineage of Uplift broadcasters and links this tradition with
the important uplift of women through the music: "This show to me is about
tradition. I really feel like I am a part of the tradition, carrying on something
that's already been laid down. I've been a part of the show since I was a teenager
with Sister Analahati who pioneered this show. She would let me come in and
sit around and I could read a couple quotes and I learned from her and I also
was privileged to watch Archbishop King sit with her and go over the programs
and lay down the foundation for this show. Sister Analahati took me under her
wing and its empowering. It was a part of my life's learning experiences. I'm
actually now working with Sister Erin. I feel like now I'm passing on the tradition.
There's a joy in being able to share with the next generation. So, really what
I'm doing is carrying on the tradition that's already been laid down as far
as coming here and playing the music and sharing Coltrane Consciousness with
people and sharing personal testimonies also."
Meta-Ideologizing
Sandoval reads Fanon as urging a practical strategy of building political
action on the troubling ground of colonial categories. This practice
is more than
merely the logic of casting down your ideological bucket where you
are à la
Booker T. Washington, and it blends an element or immediacy and practicality
with ongoing mandates for radical transformation. Sandoval writes, "Indeed,
the title Black Skin, White Masks suggests a 'meta-ideological' operation:
a political activity that builds on old categories of meaning in order to transform
those same racialized divisions by suggesting something else, something beyond
them" (85).
The use of the KPOO Uplift broadcast to propagate the notion of the
divinity of John Coltrane best exemplifies this meta-ideologizing activity.
Here
the church engages in the very forms of creative mythmaking that have
lent a host
of European and European-American historical figures an aura of divinity
and cultural significance. Squarely locating their alternative saint
within traditional
Christian practices of canonization and specifically locating Coltrane
within Judeo-Christian teleologies, the Coltrane Church builds upon
troubling colonial
practices and ultimately deconstructs them. Simply put, black men and
women have achieved limited sainthood status within European-American
religious institutions
and the demonization of their bodies and souls was always a critical
and fundamental aspect of cultural constructions of Other-ness that
contributed to racist public
policies. The Coltrane Church and its Uplift Broadcast locates John
Coltrane within traditionally exclusionist notions of Christian divinity
and then
asserts the spiritual healing power of his music.
King-Stephens eloquently speaks of the meta-ideologizing of Coltrane
as divine saint and the accompanying construction of African American
jazz music as divine: "I
do believe that John Coltrane has a formula in this music that truly gives
to people what they need. I don't know what that is but I do know that as the
host of this show it is important for me to be here to insure that that continues." This
is perhaps the most central proposition of Coltrane Consciousness, that sound
has spiritual power and is the true essence of God.
The Coltrane Church remains widely misunderstood by mainstream critics.
Critic Eric Nisenson ends his book on Coltrane's spiritual quest with
a little sarcasm
directed at the Coltrane Church: "Far more bizarre is St. John's African
Orthodox Church in San Francisco, the 'St. John' being John William Coltrane,
or St. John 'Will-I-Am' Coltrane, as he is called by church leaders" (264).
In an analysis of the production and impact of Coltrane's path-breaking A
Love Supreme recording, Ashley Kahn refers to the Coltrane Church: "Some have
even come to worship the man and the album on a weekly, institutionalized basis" (xx).
Yet both Eric Nisenson's and Ashley Kahn's books demonstrate the contemporary
willingness of jazz critics and historians to abandon narrative objectivity
and embrace the spiritual mythos of Coltrane. Kahn admits, "Though I consider
myself a dedicated agnostic and diehard rationalist, I am ready to admit that
there is much that can seem the handiwork of some eternal force under spiritual
direction" (xx). Nisenson also admits, "I can't help feeling that
Coltrane would have approved of this church's humane and compassionate services,
although he was far too genuinely humble-and shy- to feel comfortable having
a church named after him" (264).
The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast ultimately attempts to substantiate their
claims on the spirituality of Coltrane's music and person. King-Stephens
speaks to
this process of using the Uplift Broadcast to formulate and propagate
the message of Coltrane's divinity: "I think that what they were trying to do, and
it was really Archbishop King's dream, is to play that sound out to the world
to spread Coltrane Consciousness and the radio broadcast was very effective
and immediate tool that had immediate results in spreading those sound waves
out there. And at that time to the Bay Area."
Democratics and Differential
Movement
The fourth and fifth of Sandoval's technologies are bound up with
egalitarianism and social justice. Continuing with her interpretation
of Fanon's title
Black Skin, White Masks, Sandoval writes, "Fanon's metaphor also enacts and
is driven by a moral code that demands equality where none exists (black=white,
skins=masks)" (86). While Sandoval gives little more treatment
to the technology of democratics in Fanon's work, it is clear that
democratics are
central to the transformative activities that are the end product
of meta-ideologizing. Democratics are the normative end game of
meta-ideologizing, the activity that
involves reversals in the colonial ideological order, where what
is slave becomes free and unequal becomes equal.
Ultimately, the broadcast builds an alternative community that
might through radio technology. King-Stephens comments, "I
get calls from listeners that are so grateful that this show is
here. In talking
with people that listen
to this show I really get to see what John Coltrane was trying
to do as far as uplifting people with the music. I see that manifested
through their testimonies.
Stories about how they met their soul mate through the music of
John
Coltrane or they might say that they were feeling down today or
maybe they're not feeling
good in their bodies and thank God the show is on today. So I get
these types of testimonies all the time so I really feel like it's
just all an extension
of what John Coltrane was trying to do and was doing while he was
here and that is bringing the music to the people, a music that
does have the power
to heal. There is definitely a Coltrane community. I do feel a
sense that people are praying with me. I do. People call and tell
me, the
Lord just spoke to
you and told you to play that because that's what I needed to here.
I hear testimonies like that and it's just so encouraging. I think
that there's one
story of Pinky, that's her name, and she'll call me every now and
then to remind me that she's still listening and there's another
brother who calls who's in
chronic pain. He listens to the show all of the time and it just
makes him feel better. Pinky met her soul mate through John Coltrane
and she has a great
story."
In Fanon's work, this final and unifying mode through which all
previous technologies are implemented and realized includes what
Sandoval
has termed "differential
movement" and quite literally encompasses the vast array of
perceptual domains through which all four previous technologies
may be expressed.
The Coltrane Church ultimately uses the Uplift Broadcast to communicate
a particular form of differential movement, specifically its belief
in the unity of religious
ideals. King-Stephens speaks of her current desire to grow in communicating
the Coltrane Church's unity of religious ideals: "I would like to
get out there a little more on the unity of religious ideals because I
feel that
for me that's really where I'm at right now. We get into it a little right
now with the Coltrane Consciousness. We get into the Sufism and Hazrat
Inayat Khan and reading some of John Coltrane's quotes where he says that
he believes
in all religion. This is where I'm at. This is my highest hope for the
show, to go into that area. I'd like to bring in more Sufism, bring in
the Koran,
bring in texts from all the different major faiths and relate it to the
music, as long as it could play into the music some way that made sense.
Because I
think the times call for it. That's what St. John is about. He said 'I
believe in all religions' and that is the bottom line." At
its best, expansion of this principle can further open the broadcast
to global communities.
There remains substantial resistance among the so-called "jazz establishment" to
the differential movement that King-Stephens has approached through her broadcast.
That establishment, also referred to as Jazz Traditionalists or "The Jazz
Right" by Herman Gray in his book Cultural Moves, appears to fear that
such democratization and global differential movement will ultimately lead
to a dilution of "real jazz." Loren Schoenberg, writing for Ken Burns "Jazz" website
specifically questions whether global inclusivity has meant the dilution of
jazz: "Jazz has developed exponentially since the 1960s. As it gained
status around the globe as a music representing freedom, musicians have freely
integrated jazz elements into their own musics. Out of this symbiosis, many
genres have evolved which bear little relation to jazz's American roots. This
is the fate of a universal art form, and it should be welcomed. Take, for instance,
the recent efforts of the Japanese pianist/composer Masahiko Sato, who has
been integrating the jazz idiom with that of traditional Japanese music. One
offshoot of this movement has been to raise yet again a question that has been
debated since the 1920s: What is jazz?"
Conclusions
Government de-regulation, in particular since the dawn of the Bush
era, has clearly enabled dramatic corporate consolidation, accelerated
and
solidified
the elimination of independent and locally-owned stations, silenced
alternative music as well as alternative spiritual and political
expression, and
deepened the divide between the community and the media. Although
the age of radio (1930s-1950s)
has long passed, radio has nevertheless come to play a significant
role in the growth of fundamentalist Christian politics and the
consolidation of Republican
Party power since the 1960s. In an interview with Democracy
Now!,
a daily
news broadcast of the independent Pacifica Radio Group, Bill
Moyers commented on
the corporatization of media and the conservative war on public
broadcasting: "I
think we're at a moment in American history that is unique. I think we are
in danger of losing our democracy because of the domination, the monopoly of
power being exercised by the huge economic interests, both directly and indirectly.
In public broadcasting we need to get back to the revolutionary spirit of dissent
and courage that brought us into existence in the first place, and this country
does, too" (Goodman).
Moyers specifically calls for greater inclusion in public broadcasting: "Public
Broadcasting has failed on many respects. We've not been enough of an alternative.
We need a greater variety of voices on Public Broadcasting, conservative, liberal
and beyond conservative and liberal. But it's still the best alternative we
have for providing the American people with something other than what is driven
by commercials, corporations, and the desire constantly to sell, sell, sell.
You cannot get anywhere in the Public Broadcasting universe the kind of information
that you provided in the opening of your broadcast with your news summary.
That's not the news summary you're going to get on CNN tonight or Fox News
tonight or ABC or CBS. Public Broadcasting still unfulfilled, still flawed,
still imperfect, my message is to remind people what's at stake if we allow
it to go under" (Goodman).
The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast's counter-hegemonic activities
are focused on inclusion and a democratic theme consistent with
the
improvisatory nature of
their Sunday church services that welcomes visitors and congregation
to improvise along with church musicians as they feel called
to do so by the Holy Spirit.
While the broadcast specifically re-integrates commercially under-valued
free jazz music and women as innovators into the jazz canon,
it also creates an
alternative community through radio and fundamentally redefines
an anti- or extra- commercial purpose for "jazz" and
American aesthetic production.
KPOO, as an institution, exemplifies an even broader democratic
practices and differential movement, suggesting a unified coalition
of oppressed
voices,
creating a community through KPOO. They describe themselves as
follows: "KPOO
is a community-based nonprofit, noncommercial radio station that
caters to the needs of populations traditionally underrepresented
in the mainstream media.
In addition to broadcasting a wide variety of music not typically
heard on commercial stations, KPOO focuses on topics of concern
to minorities, women,
GLBT, low income households, and youths. KPOO broadcasts the San
Francisco Redevelopment Agency meetings every Tuesday at 4 pm.
KPOO specializes in jazz,
reggae, salsa, blues, gospel, and hip hop music. KPOO serves the
Bay Area's Latin community with several bilingual programs a week,
and also produces programs
concerning Irish Americans, Arab Americans, women issues and Native
American concerns. KPOO broadcasts live the weekly meeting of the
San Francisco Redevelopment
Agency and non-stop election night coverage. KPOO also uses the
airways to educate the community about important issues such as
AIDS prevention,
health
concerns, use of the new technologies, prison affairs, and consumer
protection.”
Dead Prez empowered their hip hop audiences in 2002 with a powerful
anti-corporate radio manifesto that called for action and active
engagement with media
and thoroughly deconstructed mass radio as an artifact of the
collusion between
capital and culture.
Turn off the radio!
Turn off that bullshit! (freak-freak y'all)
Turn off the radio!
Turn off that bullshit! (freak-freak y'all)
Turn off the radio!
The Coltrane Uplift Broadcast on KPOO, which commences every
Tuesday at noon with its "A Love Supreme" manifesto demands similar
engagement with the technologies of radio. While no direct causal
relationship between a radio
broadcast and progressive cultural or political action can be legitimately
established, the Uplift Broadcast suggests a range of alternative
possibilities against passive acceptance of dominant cultural representations
of democracy,
citizenship, colonialism, and capitalism.
Fanon's interest in radio was consistent with his broader anti-colonial
projects. He was centrally concerned with how radio in this case
could destroy citizen-subjects
produced by colonialism. It is clear that contemporary FM and
AM radio are dominant technologies transmitting a language of
supremacy
and
that on-going
ideological battles are being waged by independent and community-based
radio activists. Bill Moyers' commentary on the recent struggles
of the Corporation
for Public Broadcasting against the advancement of right-wing
political interests speaks to Fanon's perception of the fragility
of citizen-subjects: "The
right wingers that now control the United States government are against everything
public. This is only one of the fronts in their long war to privatize anything
public in this country supported by the United States government. So the only
way these budget cuts are going to be resisted is if people across the country
reach out to Republicans, to the moderates in their states and in Congress,
the few of them that there are, and say we don't agree with this. And I'm not
sure that even that's going to work. I feel more pessimistic at the moment
about the future of Public Broadcasting than I ever have in my 35 years, despite
the Nixon attacks, despite Newt Gingrich's attack, because these right wingers
are organized. They've got Tomlinson at CPB. They're taking over the governance
of Public Broadcasting at that level, and they don't pay any attention to opposition
or to protest or to pressure. They are actually dogmatic and determined in
their agenda. So it will take a bipartisan response to what is happening by
the right wing. But I'm not optimistic about that because the Republicans,
for the first time, have given up on Public Broadcasting" (Goodman).
The battle against the advancement of corporate supremacy in
radio is well chronicled by Jesse Walker, who notes that corporatization
in recent
years
is concomitant with significant growth of pirate and Internet
radio.
Walker's work documents that community, independent and pirate
stations began legally
and illegally contesting the limits of radio broadcasting regulations
as soon as the first federal regulations were passed in the Radio
Act of 1912. Many
of these efforts culminated in the community radio movement of
the 1960s and 1970s from which KPOO and the Coltrane Uplift Broadcast
emerged.
What we are talking about is radio as a contested space, as a
technology of dominance, as a tool of democratic self-determination,
and as
a workspace for
either destroying or building political consciousness and resistance.
In order to appreciate the social and political implications
of the KPOO Coltrane Uplift
Broadcast, we have to understand radio as central to citizenship
in a democratic society and as a place where citizens can be
either erased
or projected in
the world. This fact has cultural, political, spiritual and existential
implications for those seeking to reclaim self and identity in
a corporatized and heavily
politicized environment in which power operates to erase dissent
and difference.
The KPOO Coltrane Uplift Broadcast properly belongs within the
history of insurgent radio that includes everything from Josh
White's appearances
on southern black
radio during World War II to Mumia Abu-Jamal's appearances on
Berkeley's KPFA. The broadcast is clearly engaged on its own
limited fronts
in semiotic battle
with dominant representations of citizenship, democracy, capitalism,
and colonialism in America. For anyone interested in methodologies
of the oppressed, the struggle
for relevant radio – of which the Coltrane Uplift Broadcast is a small
but significant player – would appear to provide an ideal
lens for examining the mechanics and efficacy of counter-hegemonic
struggle.
Works
Cited
Callahan, Mat. The Trouble with Music. Oakland, CA: AK Press,
2005.
“Cat’s Meow.” San Francisco 7x7 July 2006: 93.
Dead Prez. “Turn Off the Radio.” Turn off the Radio. Full Clip
Records, 2002.
Douglas, Susan. Listening In: Radio and the American Imagination
from Amos ‘n’ Andy
and Edward R. Murrow to Wolfman Jack and Howard Stern. New York:
Random House, 1999.
Fanon, Frantz. A Dying Colonialism. New York: Grove Press, 1965.
Goodman, Amy. “Bill Moyers Interview.” Democracy Now!
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/06/22/1347234
Gray, Herman. Cultural Moves: African Americans and the Politics
of Representation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California
P, 2005.
Hartley, John. “Radiocracy: Sound and Citizenship.” International
Journal of Cultural Studies 3.2 (2000): 153-159.
Kahn, Ashley. A Love Supreme: The Story of John Coltrane’s
Signature Album. New York: Viking Penguin, 2002.
Newman, Kathy. “Radio-Activity: Reconsidering the History of Mass Culture
in America.” Cultural Matters 2 (2003): http://culturalstudies.gmu.edu/cultural_
matters/issue2/newman.htm
Nisenson, Eric. Ascension: John Coltrane and His Quest. New York:
St. Martin’s
Press, 1993.
Sandoval, Chela. Methodology of the Oppressed. Minneapolis: U
of Minnesota P, 2000.
Schoenberg, Loren. “Beyond the Sixties: A Take on Modern Jazz.” Jazz:
A Film by Ken Burns. http://www.pbs.org/jazz/time/time_beyond.htm
Walker, Jesse. Rebels on the Air: An Alternative History
of Radio in America. New York: New York UP, 2001.