The All American Other:
The Circuit Chautauqua movement was a commercial educational and cultural phenomenon of the early twentieth century. From 1904 through the 1930s, these "carnivals of culture" traveled the United States offering lectures, concerts, plays, and other entertainments. Circuit Chautauqua bureaus targeted primarily rural communities and stressed the movement’s role as provider of educational and cultural opportunities otherwise unavailable to rural Americans.
Native American music served a dual and seemingly terribly conflicted purpose within the Circuit Chautauqua movement. Not surprisingly, Native American society was exhibited, discussed, and imitated on the Chautauqua platform in the same manner (and sometimes by the same lecturers) as were the exotic cultures of Asia and Africa. By the early twentieth century, most Americans were sufficiently distanced from Native American culture that this presentation of indigenous peoples as other would have seemed appropriate to Chautauqua audiences and promoters. As the twentieth century progressed and Americans tried to distance themselves from European – especially German – associations, Native American culture would be presented to Chautauqua audiences as "pure" or "truly" American. This presentation occurred alongside, and sometimes in conjunction with, the depiction of Native Americans as other. The use of music to define Native Americans as both foreign and American is one of the more fascinating aspects of the study of music in Circuit Chautauqua.
It seems fitting that "Chautauqua" is one of a slew of American place names of vaguely “Indian” origin. Many of the older histories of the Chautauqua movement begin by asserting that "Chautauqua is a Native American word meaning…" and go on to assign one of a number of purported definitions and tribal linguistic origins for the word. That this obvious inconsistency between sources did not seem to trouble those early scholars of the Chautauqua movement is telling; the word was "Indian," and no one disputed that generic authenticity. The specific origin and meaning of the word was not important; the image conjured by it and the broader implications of its "Indianness" were. This emphasis echoes James Eckman’s assertion that the Chautauqua movement, and Circuit Chautauqua in particular, served to expose the audience to other cultures with the hope of piquing curiosity, rather than to impart specific information regarding the subject culture (203-43).
The Circuit Chautauqua phenomenon came on the heels of the popular World’s Fairs of Chicago and St. Louis, and Circuit Chautauqua’s presentation of Native Americans was undoubtedly influenced by these expositions. Circuit Chautauqua’s early years overlapped the end of the "Indianist" movement in American musical composition, in which the use of Native American music was seen as a rejection of or alternative to the undeniably European heritage of American art music (Browner 265-84). Finally, the halcyon days of Circuit Chautauqua coincided with World War I and the anti-German sentiment prevalent at the time. Each of these factors would significantly affect Circuit Chautauqua’s presentation of Native American music and culture, and how Native American music was used by performers and promoters to reinforce established Chautauqua ideals.
Keith Vawter’s pioneering Chautauqua circuit of 1904 included a performance billed as "Drama, 'Hiawatha,' Illustrated by Moving Pictures." Of course, the Hiawatha epic was immensely popular, and performances derived from it were prevalent throughout the United States. Thus its inclusion in Vawter’s first program is not surprising, but, as the Circuit Chautauqua movement came to prominence in rural American culture, the role of Native Americans (and those presenting Native American cultural elements) in Circuit Chautauqua would extend far beyond Hiawatha and its derivatives.
Circuit Chautauqua programs and promotional materials chronicle a variety of Native American performers and lecturers, including bands, chamber ensembles, dramatic companies, straight lectures, lecture-recitals, motion pictures, and acts that defy categorization. Performers included Native Americans, European Americans, Europeans, and those whose ethnicity is either unclear or intentionally obscured. Performances ranged from all-Indian groups in military-style uniforms reminiscent of the Sousa band performing sets of European art music to groups of classically-trained white musicians performing stylized "Indian" songs and dances in full ceremonial regalia.
Three concert bands composed of Native Americans were popular on the Chautauqua circuits in the early twentieth century. The oldest of these was the Onondaga Indian Concert Band, conducted by David R. Hill. Hill was billed as a "fullblooded [sic] Onondaga chief, of long and noted family" and a graduate of the Hampton Normal School in Virginia. The band advertised that it had been organized in 1840 and emphasized that it was not affiliated with the government or with any school. For this reason, the band billed itself as "the only real professional Indian band in the world." The band’s promotional flyer also stated, "This Indian band comes with no apologies for the character and quality of its concerts, either on account of blood or age of its members, but is willing to be judged on its merits as a musical organization" ("David Russell Hill and His Onondaga Indian Concert Band").
The Onondaga Indian Concert Band was composed of fifteen musicians representing several tribes. Unlike other Indian bands on the Chautauqua circuits, the Onondaga Indian Concert Band performed in traditional Native American clothing. Although no program listing specific musical pieces has been located, the promotional flyer for the band describes a program of three distinct sets. The first set consisted "principally of classical numbers." The second set began with "the descriptive life of the American people, especially that of the Indian" and concluded with a solo or small ensemble performance of an art music transcription. Finally, the third set consisted of an Indian war dance. The program promised the audience that they would "see just as the dance really was when the band plays the weird, death-like, sullen strains and gradually fades away only to be retreated and enlightened by the grand old number of the Star Spangled Banner" ("David Russell Hill and His Onondaga Indian Concert Band"). "The Star Spangled Banner" was a staple of many bands across the United States during the early twentieth century 1. and was used as either an opening or closing number by several Native American groups on the Chautauqua circuits. The gradual transition from the “death like” war dance to the “enlightened” anthem echoes a theme of evolution often present when Native American groups performed art music on the Circuit Chautauqua.
The Government Official World’s Fair Indian Band was formed as part of the Indian Exhibit at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St. Louis. After the exposition, the band contracted with the Central Lyceum Bureau of Chicago. The band was led by N.S. Nelson, who is listed in promotional materials as an "old employee of the Indian service" ("The Government Official Indian Band"). It is unclear whether Nelson was himself Native American. It seems likely that he was not, since the band’s promotional brochure lists the tribal affiliation of every member except Nelson and the band’s assistant manager, Ray McCowan. The band advertised its membership as drawn from tribes across the United States and included a short biography of each member in its promotional materials. The band, including conductor, appeared in green military-style uniforms and relied primarily on brass instruments augmented by clarinets, saxophones, and percussion. In its promotional brochure, the band is seated as if for a performance. While the band’s appearance is typical of any community or military band of the era, the stage on which the band is seated is draped in bright Native American tapestries. On either side of the band are placed teepees occupied by long-haired Native American women. One of the women appears to be embroidering a tapestry, the other weaving a basket.
This juxtaposition of stereotypical "Indian" imagery with the standard turn-of-the-century American appearance of the band echoes the proposed presentation of another Native American band, the Carlisle Indian Band, at the 1904 Exposition. Commissioner Thomas Morgan wanted the Carlisle Band to be preceded in the opening day procession by a large group of Native Americans dressed in "native costumes, feathers, paint, moccasins, etc." Morgan reasoned that the procession of Native Americans in traditional dress followed by the Carlisle Band would represent the "conversion" of Native Americans into American citizens (Trennert 208).
The Carlisle Band also toured under commercial management after its World’s Fair commitments had been met. It is unclear whether the band remained affiliated with the Carlisle Indian School, but the band was known as the U.S. Indian Band during its commercial tours. The band was led by Lt. J. Riley Wheelock, an Oneida Indian, and consisted of forty-five members of various tribal affiliations. Princess Tsianina, the celebrated Cherokee-Creek mezzo-soprano, also joined the band for its commercial tour. The band billed itself as "the only Indian concert band in classical and popular programs," and its promotional flyer stated that "people who went to hear the Indian musicians chiefly to see the Indians do the war dance and satisfy their curiosity about Indians being wild, were disappointed, but agreeably surprised to hear high-class music rendered in an artistic manner by the Indian Band" ("The U.S. Indian Band").
The band’s promoters seem to have been torn between emphasizing the exotic appeal of an all-Indian band and downplaying that difference in order to stress the group’s musical skill and training. Promotional materials include a quote from the Philadelphia Ledger stating that the "music furnished by these red musicians is in a class by itself in that you cannot describe the quality – you like it, you enjoy their selections, and you keep going back to hear them, but why, you can’t tell, their rendition is not any different probably than what any other good band plays, but there is something attractive about the Indians" ("The U.S. Indian Band"). The sample program provided, taken from the U.S. Indian Band’s performance at Carnegie Hall, would not have been out of the ordinary for any community or military band of the time. The only "Indian" pieces on the program are the "Carlisle March" and a piece entitled "Indian War," both composed by Lt. Wheelock.
Although the U.S. Indian Band certainly was not ashamed of its Indianness, its promotional materials seem to emphasize the band’s musical and (American) cultural normalcy. On the cover page of the band’s promotional brochure, immediately below the words "U.S. Indian Band," are the phrases "fifty American musicians" and "members of A. F. of M." – the American Federation of Musicians. The band’s American identity and union affiliation are placed above any other information. They appear in red, military-style uniforms for a posed photograph in front of an unidentified building. The only indication in the photo of a Native American identity is the bass drum, which reads "U.S. Indian School – Carlisle."
Carlisle Indian School alumnus Fred Cardin was a popular attraction on the Circuit Chautauqua during the peak years of the movement. Cardin, a member of the Quapaw tribe, graduated from the Carlisle School in 1912 and studied the violin at Dana’s Musical Conservatory in Ohio. Cardin later became a member of the orchestra at the Chautauqua Institution, but was forced by illness to resign. In 1916, he joined the Indian String quartet as first violin. The quartet had been formed by Ruthyn Turney, a composer on the faculty at the Chemawa School in Oregon. Turney wrote primarily “Indianist” compositions and, by 1917, was composing exclusively for the Indian String Quartet. Each member of the quartet held a different tribal affiliation. Cardin, as previously mentioned, belonged to the Quapaw tribe of Oklahoma. Alex Melodivov, second violin, was an Aleut from Alaska. The violist, William Palin, was from the Flathead tribe of Montana, and William Reddie, the cellist, was a member of the Hydah tribe of Alaska ("Indian String Quartet"). The quartet toured the Chautauqua and lyceum circuits under the management of the Redpath Bureau. They were accompanied by lecturer Richard Kennedy, who spoke on a variety of Native American subjects. Strangely, Kennedy seems to have given lectures on Tennyson’s Idylls of the King and Hugo’s Les Misérables during performances with the Indian String Quartet.
The quartet would typically play a program divided into halves. One half would consist of standard string quartet repertoire with the musicians dressed in tuxedos. The other half was performed in Native American dress and consisted of "Indianist" compositions by Turney and others, memorized for a more "authentic Indian" effect. Kennedy would often introduce the set of Indianist music by explaining that Native American music was the only music that had not been "Germanized" (Troutman 206).
After the dissolution of the Native American String Quartet, Cardin formed another musical group, The Indian Art and Musical Company. The group’s instrumentation was flexible and its personnel roster unstable. William Reddie (billed as Reddy) played cello for the group, Cardin played violin, Wanita Cardin was the group’s pianist, and vocalists Sansa Carey and Te Ata were, at times, members (Troutman 276).
The Indian Art and Musical Company offered a program consisting of "songs with orchestra," "primitive songs with drums," "Pueblo songs," “modern harmonized songs,” and a piano solo. The "songs with orchestra" consisted primarily of Indianist compositions by Lieurance, Kreisler, and Cadman. The group also performed compositions by Rachmaninoff, MacDowell, and Brahms during this portion of the program. The "primitive songs with drums" and "Pueblo songs" are listed by individual titles, with no composer given. The "modern harmonized songs" are all Indianist compositions by Thurlow Lieurance, and the piano solo is listed as "Indian Rhapsody" with no further information. While it is not specified, it seems likely that this was Lieurance’s "Indian Rhapsody."
The Indian Art and Musical Company differed from Cardin’s previous venture in its emphasis on Native American attributes. The performers wore Native American clothing in all promotional photographs and likely during all performances. In contrast, most promotional photographs of the Indian String Quartet show them in tuxedos. Promotional materials refer to Reddie as "a typical story book Indian." The group’s promotional brochure features on its cover a large profile photograph of Cardin in headdress and holding a violin. Under the picture is the caption, "Do you know that Indians are natural-born musicians?" ("Indian Art and Musical Company").
Solo vocalists – especially women – were also popular Native American acts on the Circuit Chautauqua. These women toured with larger groups like the U.S. Indian Band, as part of smaller companies like the Indian Art and Musical Company, and often with white Indianist composers and lecturers. Unlike their male counterparts, who were nearly always known by Anglo (or Russian, in the case of some Native Alaskans) names, female musicians on the circuits were billed by Native American names, sometimes accompanied by loose English translations. Also, it was common to use the title of “princess” for female performers, although Native Americans had no such concept. The “Indian princess” myth, however, was so firmly entrenched in American society by the early twentieth century that it is not at all surprising to find it on the Chautauqua platform. 2.
Two “Indian princesses” were especially popular on the Chautauqua and lyceum circuits. Tsianina Redfeather Blackstone was born December 13, 1882, in Eufaula, Oklahoma. She was of Cherokee and Creek descent, although newspapers often identified her as Choctaw or Omaha. Although she used the title "princess," there is no indication that Tsianina's father held any leadership role in their community. She attended the Eufala, Oklahoma, Government Indian School, where she learned to play the piano. School officials took note of her musical talent and suggested that Tsianina move away from the reservation to pursue further study. A local family was moving to Denver, and Tsianina was sent with them to study piano with Edward Fleck. Soon after beginning studies with Fleck, Tsianina was introduced to voice teacher John Wilcox, who introduced her to composer Charles Wakefield Cadman. Wilcox believed that the teenaged Tsianina was the perfect performer and "interpreter" of Cadman's Indianist compositions and convinced Cadman to audition her for a national tour (Blackstone 20-25).
Cadman's opera Shanewis, or The Robin Woman, was loosely based on Tsianina's life. Shanewis was performed at the Metropolitan Opera during the 1918 and 1919 seasons. Tsianina was in the audience at the Metropolitan premiere and sang the role of Shanewis in her operatic debut at a performance in Denver.
(Princess) Watahwaso was born Lucy Nicolar June 22, 1882, on Indian Island, Maine. Her parents were prominent figures in the Penobscot community, and several of her ancestors were famous Penobscot chiefs. Her father, Joseph Nicolar, was tribal representative to the state legislature and was considered highly intelligent by his peers (McBride 143). As a child, Lucy often accompanied her father as he gave lectures on Native American customs, songs, and dances (Koon 665). She attended the local Catholic primary school as a child and had ambitions to attend public high school on the mainland. After the death of her father in 1894, Lucy and her sisters helped their mother craft baskets for sale to tourists. Lucy also performed in seasonal productions designed to promote "rustic" Maine vacations and to sell outdoor equipment. These events gave her the opportunity to interact with a variety of travelers, and at one such event Lucy came to the attention of Harvard administrator Montague Chamberlain. Chamberlain would become Lucy’s patron, hiring her to be his assistant, welcoming her into his household, and providing her with musical and educational experiences in Boston and New York. It was during her time in Boston and New York that Lucy began using the name "Watahwaso," capitalizing on the novelty of her heritage in those social circle (McBride 144-47).
In 1913, Watahwaso moved to Chicago to study the piano at a conservatory for lyceum and Chautauqua performers. She gave her first public performance in Chicago in 1916, and in 1917 she signed with the Redpath Chautauqua Bureau, with whom she would remain until 1919. By this time, she was using the stage name “Princess Watahwaso.” She often toured with Indianist composer Thurlow Lieurance, and his songs were featured on her programs. Her 1917 program consisted of two sets: the first half of the program was a mix of Indianist pieces by Cadman and opera arias, and the second half included Indianist pieces by Lieurance and Cadman as well as Native American pieces arranged by Troyer. The program notes emphasize that Watahwaso would tell the stories behind the pieces of the second half and would sing them in costume while doing traditional dances ("Song Recital in Costume – Princess Watahwaso"). It is unclear whether the first half was performed in native dress, or if Watahwaso, like the Indian String Quartet, changed clothes at intermission to delineate between the “classical” and “Indian” portions of the program.
After her tours with Redpath, Watahwaso performed regularly in New York. In 1927 she joined a troupe of Native American performers on the Keith Vaudeville Circuit, with whom she traveled until 1929. It was on this tour that she met Kiowa performer Bruce Poolaw, who would become her third (and last) husband. Watahwaso and Poolaw would eventually return to Indian Island, where they were active in the Penobscot community and ran a successful tourist attraction until her death in 1969 (McBride 149).
Despite the "fullblooded" Native American status of the most prominent circuit performers of Native American music, the repertory consisted primarily of Indianist pieces by white composers. Of twenty-one pieces of music with acknowledged composers performed by Native Americans on the Chautauqua circuits, twelve were composed by Thurlow Lieurance, and five were composed by Charles Cadman. The remainder included compositions by MacDowell, Bergen, Wheelock, and Kreisler, whose Sonata in G Major, Op. 100: II was performed by Fred Cardin with the Indian Art and Musical Company under the title "Indian Lament." The Lieurance compositions performed on the circuits were primarily short songs for voice and piano with an obbligato part most often performed on the flute or violin.
It was not uncommon for Native American groups to perform works from the standard art music concert repertory of the era. Some groups, such as the Indian String Quartet, featured art music prominently. Others, like the Indian Art and Musical Company, seem to have performed art music as a way to legitimize themselves as musicians. The program notes from one Indian Art and Musical Company performance state, “To prove their versatility, the Indians will play the Rachmaninoff prelude. This Russian composition is one of the most difficult ever written….You’ll be surprised at the remarkable talent of the quartet who play this piece" ("Indian Art and Musical Company").
Most Native American Chautauqua acts avoided implications of novelty or comedy in their advertising. Although some promotional materials did mention the novelty of an all-Indian group, that novelty is usually limited to the ethnicity of the performers and does not extend to the musical material. The Official Government World’s Fair Indian Band advertised, "To committees looking for 'something new,' the novelty of this band will commend itself. To thoughtful men and women, interested in development and advancement of the Indians, the wonderful results obtained will be an encouragement and a triumph" ("The Government Official Indian Band").
The majority of music performed by Native American musicians on the circuits was serious in nature. In fact, the proportion of novelty music performed by Native Americans seems to have been smaller than in Circuit Chautauqua as a whole. This serious tone did not always extend to "Native American" performances by non-Indians. The Musical Maids, a six-member, all-white, orchestra, vocal group, and novelty act managed by the Redpath Bureau, performed popular songs as well as "Indian songs and legends and stories of the woods" and also gave archery and fencing demonstrations. The group dressed for their “Indian” segments in buckskin smocks and single-feathered headbands, outfits very similar to those worn by the Campfire Girls organization at that time. The Musical Maids’ performance seems to have had more in common with the Campfire Girls and other popular forms of "playing Indian" than with the Native American performances discussed previously.
Of course, as mentioned, the majority of songs being performed by Native American Chautauqua acts at the time were not composed by Native Americans. The fact that these Native American performers had long associations with the Indianist composers and, in the case of Cardin and others, wrote similar pieces themselves, speaks to an acceptance by the Native American performers of the Indianist composers and their work.
The emphasis on a serious portrayal of Native American culture by the majority of Chautauqua performers is evidenced by the preponderance and popularity of lectures devoted to Native American topics. Many of these lectures addressed Native American music, whether as the focus of discussion or as part of a larger performance including folklore, art, dance, and song. Lecturers on Native American subjects ranged from ethnographers to Native Americans to professional lecturers with limited knowledge of the topic beyond the script of the lecture. This gamut of backgrounds and qualifications is found in lectures focusing on Native American music, as well. Prominent Native American musicians such as Princess Watahwaso lectured in conjunction with Indianist composers and ethnographers, white lecturers and art music performers presented "musical travelogues" of their experiences among Native Americans, and more eclectic lecturers presented Native American music as one item in a large collection of exotic musical artifacts.
That most performers and lecturers involved in Native American music, especially the most visible and popular among them, presented the subject in a serious manner speaks to the important function of Native American music within the Circuit Chautauqua movement, which needed to be perceived as educational in order to maintain its edge over competing forms of entertainment. Presenting Native American topics in a lecture-recital setting and allowing Native American musicians to perform in ways that challenged popular stereotypes set Circuit Chautauqua apart from Wild West shows, medicine shows, and other venues where Native Americans were represented musically.
Native American music, especially when used as the basis of or inspiration for art music, filled another important need for Circuit Chautauqua: it was perceived as purely American in a way that most of the art music – and many of the classically-trained performers – of the time could not be. The peak of the Circuit Chautauqua movement coincided with the anti-German sentiment of the years surrounding World War I. Even decades prior to the war, American composers struggled with issues of musical identity. Arthur Farwell, having had his Indianist music rejected by publishers, claimed that the American art music public "saw everything through German glasses" (Culbertson 159). Others believed that America lacked a folk music tradition, and that Americans could not produce art music until they had a folk music tradition on which to base it. Walter Spalding wrote in The Musical Quarterly that the absence of American folk songs was "a severe indictment that the people have so long relied upon music made for them by others that their natural emotional and expressive powers have become seriously impaired" (Spalding 7).
It is clear that at least one important musical figure within the Chautauqua movement viewed Native American music not merely as an exotic alternative to German (and Germanic) music, but as the folk music needed for the foundation of an American art music tradition. Charles Wakefield Cadman, whose Indianist compositions were popular on the Chautauqua circuits and who toured as a lecturer with Princess Tsianina, wrote:
Whether they railed against German influence or upheld it as the only option for a new nation somehow devoid of its own folk culture, everyone involved in art music in America recognized that German music was a large part of American musical life. As World War I approached, most recognized this as a delicate situation, if not a problem. Many musical organizations, including those on the Chautauqua circuits, shied away from or downplayed the importance of German music in their programs. Even in the realm of orchestral music, which was inextricably tied to German musical culture, performance of music by German composers declined dramatically after 1917. For instance, Barbara Tischler determined that during the 1916-17 season, the Boston Symphony Orchestra’s repertoire was 62% German. The following season it dropped to 42.6%, and in the 1918-19 season only 29.7% of pieces performed were by German composers. Tischler noted a similar trend in the programming of the New York Philharmonic during those years (172).
The scope of the Chautauqua movement and the lack of complete program records make it impossible to conduct such a precise study of Chautauqua programming. Furthermore, the smaller size of touring ensembles created an aversion to programming many of the larger German works throughout the Chautauqua era that had nothing to do with politics. For these reasons and others, it is impossible to quantify anti-German sentiment in Chautauqua movement by clear percentages. We can, however, point to sentiments such as Kennedy’s aversion to “Germanized” music and the U.S. Indian Band’s billing as “Fifty American Musicians” as assertions of the “100 percent Americanism” philosophy prevalent during the Wilson Administration. 3.
Chautauqua audiences did not want to be reminded of American music’s debt to Europe and to Germany in particular. Their thirst for the exotic was in direct conflict with their distrust of the foreign, and Native American music was the perfect resolution to this problem. Native Americans were different and romantic, but American. Native American performances were a way for Chautauqua audiences to experience another culture without feeling un-patriotic, and their American identity garnered Native American acts a respect not consistently afforded to other “exotic” Chautauqua acts.
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Blackstone, Tsianina Redfeather. Where Trails Have Led Me. Santa Fe, NM: Vergara, 1970.
Browner, Tara. "'Breathing the Indian Spirit': Thoughts on Musical Borrowing and the 'Indianist' Movement in American Music." American Music 15.3 (1997): 265-84.
Cadman, Charles. "The American Indian's Music Idealized." The Etude 38.10 (1920): 659-60.
Culbertson, Evelyn. "Arthur Farwell's Early Efforts on Behalf of American Music, 1889-1921." American Music 5.2 (1987): 156-75.
"David Russell Hill and His Onondaga Indian Concert Band." Syracuse, NY: Empire Lyceum Bureau. Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City).
Eckman, James. Regeneration through Culture: Chautauqua in Nebraska 1882-1925. Dissertation. University of Nebraska, 1989.
"The Government Official Indian Band." Chicago: Hollister Brothers. Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City).
Green, Rayna. "The Tribe Called Wannabee: Playing Indian in America and Europe." Folklore 99.1 (1988): 30-55.
"Indian Art and Musical Company." Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City).
"Indian String Quartet." 1917. Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City).
Koon, John. "Indian Musicians in the Modern World." The Etude 38.10 (1920): 665-66.
McBride, Bunny. "Lucy Nicolar: The Artful Activism of a Penobscot Performer." Sifters: Native American Women's Lives. Ed. Theda Perdue. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2001. 141-59.
"Song Recital in Costume – Princess Watahwaso." 1917. Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City)."The War in Its Relation to American Music." The Musical Quarterly 4.1 (1918): 1-11.
Tischler, Barbara. "One Hundred Percent Americanism and Music in Boston During World War I." American Music 4.2 (1986): 164-76.
Trennert, Robert. "Selling Indian Education at World's Fairs and Expositions, 1893-1904." American Indian Quarterly 11.3 (1987): 203-20.
Troutman, John. "Indian Blues": American Indians and the Politics of Music, 1890-1935. Dissertation. University of Texas, 2004.
"The U.S. Indian Band." Philadelphia: Hammond and Harff.
Redpath Chautauqua Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Iowa Libraries (Iowa City).