Jewish Music's Digital Turn:     
The Case of the Miami Boys Choir 
 


Americana: The Journal of American Popular Culture (1900-present), Fall 2024, Volume 23, Issue 2
https://americanpopularculture.com/journal/articles/fall_2024/rosen.htm

 

Ido Rosen   
University of Cambridge, UK


No one in the Miami Boys Choir expected to become a worldwide sensation in September of 2022, but the group burst through the niche of Orthodox pop and swept social media with the unlikely hit "Yerushalayim" ("Jerusalem"), a song in Hebrew based on Psalms 125:2. The viral video was not even new and was not made for the web; it was simply a short segment from a concert that took place in 2007. Yet within a month or so, it attracted over 9 million views on TikTok as well as innumerable shoutouts, hashtags, and response videos (see Power; Willingham). This fascinating case study enables us to reflect upon the role of technological advances in relation to Jewish values and the contemporary American Jewish experience in relation to popular culture. The digital era promises many exciting opportunities but might also pose substantial challenges.

The Miami Boys Choir was founded by Yerachmiel Begun in Miami in 1977. It is made up of an ever-revolving cast of twenty to thirty Orthodox Jewish preteen and teenage boys. In 1980, Begun moved the operation to Brooklyn, New York City, where the choir has been since, retaining its original name. The prolific group produced over 500 songs and thirty albums. They have had great success within the Orthodox Jewish community but remained unknown to most of the public, which changed when Yerachmiel's son, Chananya, appointed himself as the group's social media officer. He set up a TikTok account for the choir and started posting snippets of their concerts. His little marketing scheme turned into one of the most notable cases of the intersection between Jewish culture, popular culture, and social networks.

 

The Transition of Jewish Music in the Digital Era

According to Mark Kligman, "the Jewish music being created, formed, preserved, and disseminated today in America not only reflects the vast changes that have taken place in American Jewish life, but represents a quintessentially American Jewish phenomenon" (88). In the early twentieth century, Jewish music remained closer to the Shtetl (the small provincial villages of Jewish communities in Eastern Europe) than to the skyscrapers of Manhattan and included Eastern European motifs. However, when the Baby Boomers generation took over the scene, they used music as "a vehicle that distinguishes themselves from their parents," creating "a new, positive expression of their Jewishness" (89). Many of these were sons of immigrants who were the first generation born and raised in the US. These modern musicians strayed away from the Orthodox way of life and moved along a wide array of Jewish identities, from various degrees of conservatism to completely secular. Jewish music, like Judaism in general, is a spectrum. Artists place themselves differently on the scale. Some prefer "sounding modern" while others wish to stick to the particular tunes associated with their communities, for example, "sounding Hasidic" for members of the Orthodox Hasidic movement. Kligman points out that a poll conducted by Moment magazine in 1997 showed a variety of styles among the top ten favorite Jewish musicians (90).

When more progressive Jews assimilated into American show business, they brought their cultural traditions along with them. Jewish motifs and tendencies were then incorporated into the popular canon. The process turned Jewish music into part of the American mainstream. Kligman gives the example of Allan Sherman, a popular (secular) comedian-musician, whose album "My Son, the Folk Singer" (1962) sold over one million copies. Sherman's humorous songs are obviously not the kind that is sung in synagogues. Yet according to some scholars, they are still labeled as Jewish music. Kligman claims that "Sherman's more general appeal was due to his limited use of Yiddish and his avoidance of insider vocabulary or detailed Jewish references, though the names of characters in the songs, Zelda, for example, are typically Jewish, and the dialect rhymes retain a Jewish flavor" (96).

Americanization and globalization have continued to develop over the years. These processes trickled down, and even the more enclosed and isolationist streams in the Jewish religion have not remained immune to them. In a study of young singers in the contemporary Brooklyn Hasidic community, Jeremiah Lockwood describes Cantor Shulem Lemmer's phrasing "with its persistent syncopation and 'jazzy' growl and swooping effects" as baring "a sonic similarity to pop R&B singers such as Michael Jackson or Justin Timberlake." The Cantor indeed admits that he was influenced by the late international pop star Michael Jackson (96). Lemmer has been able to relate to the music of former Jackson 5 member even though he arrived from an entirely different cultural tradition of African-American music.

Despite the example of a Cantor who adopts contemporary popular styles, including genres that emerged from other religious backgrounds, it should be noted that Judaism is not considered a missionary religion (see S. Cohen). Orthodox musicians have been generally less concerned with appealing to the masses outside their community. However, certain circumstances required congregations to reinvent themselves, even if their target audiences remained other Jews. As Kligman explains, “Jewish musicians all across the spectrum fear that they will soon reach the limit of their popularity, under current means of distribution. That is why leading performers…have been actively pursuing new markets, hoping to cross over to other parts of Jewish community and even beyond” (140). Technology, and more specifically the internet, has been providing key tools in their endeavors.

Openness to a variety of musical genres, as well as the incorporation of foreign traditions, are evident in the case of the Maccabeats, a yarmulke-wearing Yeshiva University-based Jewish A cappella group (some members previously took part in the Miami Boys Choir). Their modern style, hip-hop beats, and witty adaptations of top-of-the-chart bangers led them to great popularity. In 2010, they released a holiday-themed parody video of Taio Cruz's "Dynamite," called "Candlelight," which became a YouTube sensation. In ten days, the Hanukkah song somewhat miraculously gained more than 2 million views (Berger). In 2015, the Maccabeats performed at the White House Hanukkah Party. However, their success should not only be credited to their fresh musical style but also to their usage of social media. A click magnet that encouraged users to share, the music video for "Candlelight" – with a colorful palette, dynamic editing, split screens, and visual gags – was an ideal social media item that suits the short attention span in the age of multiple screens.

Judah M. Cohen argues that by offering a "Jewish" take on the popular music industry through parodies, implicit sensibilities of outsiderness, and musical eclecticism, the millennial-generation singers embody "a tradition of outwardly Jewish musicians whose adroit negotiations with popular media tropes earned them wide attention – including Josef/Yossele Rosenblatt, Mickey Katz, Shlomo Carlebach, and Matisyahu." He binds together Rosenblatt, an Orthodox Cantor; Carlebach, a Hasidic Rabbi; Katz, a secular comedian; and Matisyahu, a Reconstructionist-turned-Orthodox-turned-secular who sings reggae. They all achieved popularity among secular audiences. According to Judah Cohen, "Their strategic use of Jewish languages, intimate knowledge of Jewish culture and lifecycle, and often consciously Jewish physical appearance gained amplification through the popular musical genres…that they used to present listeners with implicit arguments about the heterogeneity of Jewish identity, its practices of dissemination, and perhaps a desire for…[a] "New Pluralism" in American public culture" (238-239).

Cantor Yanky Lemmer, however, mentions more practical reasons for the adoption of the digital sphere. In an interview, he says that posting videos on social media led to a spate of work and prestigious positions. The interviewer, Lockwood, notices that there is a widespread use of the web both for commerce and entertainment: "In the Hasidic cantorial revivalist community, the internet plays a significant role both as a source for learning golden age cantorial repertoire and as a site for performance" (123-124).

Moreover, Jessica Roda argues that access to technology has completely transformed the way of life of ultra-Orthodox women. Social requirements for modesty prevent them from singing, dancing, or acting in front of men and the public. But digital means enable them to create an alternative entertainment market, which contains both real and virtual spaces for women and girls only, onsite and online. This cultural revolution is not limited to the field of music. Other scholars discussed similar feminist innovations in cinema, literature, and web content (see Aharoni; Seigelshifer and Hartman; Skinazi; Vinig. For additional developments in contemporary Orthodox culture, see Friedman and Hakak; Peleg).

As expected, the transition into the cyber sphere did not happen smoothly. Many religious authorities reject modern technology and object to the internet, which they perceive as containing many dangers (see Y. Cohen; Lockwood, 123; Rosenberg and Rashi). Naturally, the more Orthodox they are, the harsher their resentment of the web and modernism in general, a point on which I will elaborate later. But despite the difficulties, Jewish music has certainly transitioned into the digital era and benefited from its perks.

 

Reaching Out to the World

As stated, the digital world greatly contributed to the exposure of Jewish culture, both within the religious community and with the general public. Making Jewish music accessible at the click of a button holds the potential for building bridges; promoting understanding, tolerance, peace; or simply having fun together. But even when a reclusive community extends its hand, no guarantee exists that it will meet a welcoming partner. This fact calls us to examine the nature of the responses that the Miami Boys Choir generated.

On the one hand, "People are completely and unironically obsessed with the Miami Boys Choir thanks to TikTok," declared the British student newspaper The Tab. The success of the bluntly-Jewish content was so unexpected that the reporter feel the need to reassure the uninitiated: "The choir is also actually the most wholesome thing on TikTok right now, people are really stanning them and it's no joke. The vocals are insanely good and the music is upbeat and catchy" (Gurney). Some compliments can be seen as dubious or ambivalent, as people focus on the cult/camp qualities of the video, or treat it like a guilty-pleasure. Nevertheless, the passion is genuine: "Everything about it is ridiculously good. The soaring tween vocals! The funky sax break! The choreography! That's to say nothing of the rousing song, 'Yerushalayim,' or the era-specific silk shirts that really tie the whole thing together" (Willingham). One Jewish TikToker claimed, "These boys have everyone talking about Jewish people...in a positive way," noting that the love towards the group has overtaken the usual cloud of antisemitism that overshadows social media spaces. Chananya Begun, who posted the choir's video, added, "People always assume antisemitism is going to happen, and it does...But here, there's almost a complete lack of that. There's all of this positivity and love" (Willingham). One of the singers in the video, David, stated, "The one thing that really stands out to me is that out of the millions of views, there have been...like one or two antisemitic comments. Who would have thought that a song about Jerusalem would go viral and there wouldn't be any [negative feedback?]" (Feiglin). This case can be seen in the context of a wider phenomenon in which TikTok is used as a space to communicate and educate on Judaism (see Divon and Ebbrecht-Hartmann).

On the other hand, online discussion platforms occasionally disrupt meanings, lack context, or escalate heated debates with or without the veil of anonymity. Although the discourse around the Miami Boys Choir has been vastly positive, there have been instances that depicted the darker side of the web. Sometimes, the remarks are a matter of taste. There may not be a hateful intention, just a phrasing that is too cynical, or a contrived attempt to generate laughs that becomes offensive: "TikTok has the power to make quite literally anything popular even an obscure...Orthodox pop song. The video is ripe for nostalgic virality online: prepubescent awkwardness, ill-fitting button-down shirts and slacks.” (Mendez II). But in more serious cases, stepping out of the communal comfort zone brings clashes with hostile strangers. For example, a music magazine published by the University of Wisconsin posted a GIF on its social media account that illustrates their repulsion for the song "Yerushalayim" once they realized it is about Israel. The post was criticized for being anti-Zionist and antisemitic (see Lange). This critique has nothing to do with the choir's performance. Mentioning that they felt repulsion "once they realized" the Israeli connection indicates that their original impression was good. They changed their mind out of irrelevant considerations and prejudice.

Another controversy occurred when the esteemed magazine Rolling Stone covered the viral hit. E.J. Dickson wrote, in an uncalled for and baseless observation, that it is "probably not a great idea to ask any of the [singers] about their opinions on Israel and Palestine." Additionally, Dickson said on a podcast, “I know enough about the Orthodox Jewish community. I do feel like one of these kids are gonna get Milkshake Duck’ed [exposed as evil] very fast." She added, "It's more likely than not that some of them grew up to be anti-vaxxers who won't shake women's hands because they could possibly be menstruating" (Dickson; Dickson and Spanos). In response, Alex Abel accused the magazine of antisemitism: "When I worked in the magazine industry there was an emphasis on diversity. Why doesn't that same focus apply to the Orthodox Jewish community? Why are so many people so quick to judge when it comes to a group that they don't know much about and make assumptions based on external appearances or rumors?" (Abel). Other writers strongly condemned the magazine as well (Lax; Zaig).

K(osher)-pop

Perhaps the most intriguing response to the phenomenon was the formation of a fan culture that duplicates the special nature of K-pop (Korean popular music) fandom. As mentioned in The Tab's report, "people are really stanning." A "stan," explains Aviya Kushner, is a super-fan. The four soloists in the video each have their ardent stans. According to Kushner, "One popular form of [a response] video is 'I rate the Miami boys choir' with different boys in slots 1, 2, 3 and 4, with TikTok users explaining their rationale. The comments on these videos are wild, as hundreds of thousands of people debate the singing ability, dance moves, expressions, charisma and stage presence of four yeshiva boys singing about God and Jerusalem" (Kushner). All the more so, the interactive participation included drawing fan art and "recreating the choreography and engaging with the artists in...quote-unquote 'fan behavior.' They've even got an acronym like BTS or TVXQ! One commenter on the original MBC video referred to the genre of music as 'K-Pop (kosher pop)'" (Willingham; Koh).

The connection between the groups that so many fans made almost immediately remains puzzling. What does South Korean culture from the Far East have to do with a group of New York Jews? Although some people have associated the song about Jerusalem with its Middle Eastern location, the Miami Boys Choir, whose Hebrew is wrapped in a thick Yiddish accent, hardly fit the Sabra trope (an Israeli-native, modern, masculine, confident, secular Jew; see Almog). Kushner states, "The pronunciation is not Israeli, but is instead Yiddish-inflected Hebrew, or what you hear in Ashkenazi yeshiva circles in New York. Leh'amo is pronounced lee'amo, and meh'ata is pronounced mee'ata. The high point of the song is – 'oy Yerushalayim oy Yershalayim.'" But maybe that fact is exactly the point. Both groups provide Western fans with an alternative model of masculinity. The singers of BTS, for example, do not look like typical Hollywood movie stars. They have delicate facial features. Their body types are boyish, not buff and muscular. They dye their hair and appear to be very groomed (see Song and Velding). The association that many viewers make between them and young Jewish men might be connected to stereotypes about the diasporic Jew. Although historically these stereotypes were often used in a negative context that questioned Jewish masculinity, in this case fans adore these stars and some see them as role models (see Gertz for more on Jewish masculinity). At the same time, this attraction might also be fueled by classic fantasies about "the exotic other." In the case of American fans, treating Jews as "other" may be troubling.

 

Aftermath of a Viral Success

Since the Miami Boys Choir was trending, the overall consequences seem to be almost entirely positive. The group managed to expand its fan base beyond any expectation as demonstrated by headlines such as "Chabad of the Valley's Chanukah at Universal Studios CityWALK Draws 1000s to see Tiktok Sensations Miami Boys Choir" (Chabad News). Not only did the implications affect the specific band but also Jewish culture and identity in general. The Forward reported that "a new trend of Jewish TikTokers explaining the effect of the [MBC] video on them has taken root. A young woman says that she was 'staunchly atheist' but is now feeling really connected to Judaism because of this video. She says that her whole life would have changed had she seen this group when she was 9" (Kushner). In an article titled "Rekindling My Religious Fire with the Miami Boys Choir," Alyssa Koh wrote, "It's funny how the weirdest things can make you proud of your roots…While I may seem like an Israel anti to some, these boys creating harmony through harmony with their love of their ancestral home, their faith, and each other really made me want to engage with their content and revisit my own connection to my religion." As in the aforementioned examples, Koh also connects the song with the state of Israel. She contrasts her disapproval of Israel with her connection to Judaism. However, the connection between the song and the country must be examined and cannot be taken for granted.

 

The Web Poses Dilemmas

The dilemmas that an Orthodox Jew with an appetite for the limelight in the entertainment industry faces are so dramatic that they have fertilized one of the most famous films in history. In The Jazz Singer (Alan Crosland, 1927), Al Jolson portrays the son of a Jewish Cantor from New York who defies the traditions of his religious father to pursue his dream of becoming a jazz singer. Although Crosland's film claimed its classic status as one of the world's first mainstream "talkies," its plot still has been so relatable and popular that it spawned two remakes (Michael Curtiz, 1952; Richard Fleischer, 1980). The audience's return to the film time and time again indicates that its charm does not entirely depend on the technological breakthrough. Its everlasting relevance has continued to provide more loose adaptations, such as the brilliant episode of The Simpsons, "Like Father, Like Clown" (1991, Season 3, Episode 6).

The digital era has amplified the substantial issues that haunted the jazz singer. Social networks form a globalized arena that exposes the Orthodox Jewish culture to foreigners but also to the outside world in terms of unprecedented access to information. "Rabbinic leaders implored their followers to abandon their use of the internet, citing fears about its deteriorative effects on youth and general morality," notes Lockwood who also mentions that "[l]eaders in the Hasidic community have taken a variety of approaches to the internet, with the Chabad embrace of the web as a means of religious outreach representing an extreme liberal stance" (123). In the Haredi (Orthodox) community, the web is often regarded as "constituting dangerous exposure to the values of Western society and as a threat to its cultural boundaries" (Rosenberg and Rashi; see also Y. Cohen). The rabbinic authority is defied not only by internet usage but also by a network of celebrities, role models, and influencers directly associated with Internet fame and virality.

One of the choir singers recalled that after their online exposure, "I've seen pictures of me on people's shower curtains, their pillows, and bedsheets" (Feiglin). Such common expressions of fan culture contradict Jewish values such as the command, "You shall not make for yourself an image [idol, graven image, sculpture] in the form of anything in heaven above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below," that appears on Exodus 20:4.

Therefore, the option to connect to the World Wide Web sharpens the dilemma of an orthodox Jew who is torn between assimilation and tradition. In the artistic context, assimilation sometimes also stands against artistic originality and uniqueness. Although social media exposed the Miami Boys Choir to new audiences and markets, not everyone perceives that exposure as a good outcome. Mordechai, a former member of the group, expressed mixed feelings: "I'm not sure if non-Jewish people can ever really understand what the Miami Boys Choir meant to us, what it meant to the Jewish community that wasn't allowed to listen to non-Jewish music...I don't want to [see] the choir through gentiles' eyes...they don't get it, they will never get it, it's just not meant for them. It's our stuff" (Spiro).

Gordon A. Dale suggests a possible remedy for these issues. According to Dale, Haredi boys choirs "should be understood as the staging of a secure future for Haredi Judaism" and "[t]he choirs recognize their role as symbols of the future" (199). He also claims that "Haredi culture is positioned in opposition to liquid modern consumer culture," and choirs are seen as positive role models for adolescents who are forming their identities (199). Dale asserts that "certain boys in the choirs even become culturally sanctioned heartthrobs. Indeed these boys take on a safe celebrity persona" (199).

Another challenge that modern times pose to tradition is the patriarchal nature of the religion, and hence its culture. (Just look at the name of the Miami Boys Choir – literally, "boys" appears in the title). As mentioned earlier, orthodox women are excluded due to modesty requirements, and their culture is forced to exist in enclosed spheres. This fact prevents them from enjoying the new advantages that the web offers. As but one example, Roda explains that Chayala Neuhaus, a producer and composer, had to use the voice of a young boy from the Miami Boys Choir instead of her own (119). Despite that reality, Roda holds a much more optimistic view, claiming that the Orthodox women's "incredibly vibrant Jewish artistic scenes defy stereotypes that paint these women as repressed, reclusive to their shtetl (village), and devoid of creativity and agency" (cited in promotional material for her book).

 

Conclusion

This examination of the Miami Boys Choir's surprising viral success highlights the impact that technological advances had on Jewish values and the contemporary American Jewish experience. The digital world provides unprecedented connectivity and exposure, within the Jewish community or with transnational, interfaith, and foreign cultures. Experiencing this connectivity has led to positive processes of intellectual growth, pluralism, democratization, identity formation, and even spiritual development. Nevertheless, it also sheds light on areas that call for improvement as well as challenges to traditional religious values that appear not to integrate into American popular culture in particular or, in a global sense, the modern world. 

 

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